Textbook page 65,66,67,68,69,70,.... & 76 || Class eleven and twelve || Unit Four: History Lesson 1 :Three Speeches || English first paper || Bangla meaning, Line by line Bangla meaning , short questions and text questions solution ||




Textbook page 65,66,67,68,69,70,.... & 76 || Class eleven and twelve || Unit Four: History Lesson 1 :Three Speeches || English first paper || Bangla meaning, Line by line Bangla meaning , short questions and text questions solution ||



Unit Four: History 
Lesson 1 :Three Speeches



A. Discuss the following questions in the class:

What is a public speech?

Is a public speech different from everyday conversation?

How is a public speech distinguishable from a debate?

What is language acquisition?

In which ways a public speech can help in language acquisition?

Answer Question No. A

These are important discussion questions that can help students understand public speaking and language acquisition. Below is a structured way to discuss them in class:

1. What is a public speech?

A public speech is a formal or structured way of communicating ideas, information, or opinions to an audience. It is often delivered with a clear purpose, such as to inform, persuade, entertain, or inspire. Examples include political speeches, TED Talks, and motivational speeches.

Discussion points:

  • Why do people give public speeches?
  • Can public speaking be spontaneous, or is it always planned?

2. Is a public speech different from everyday conversation?

Yes, public speech differs from everyday conversation in several ways:

  • Structure: Public speeches are planned and organized, while everyday conversations are usually spontaneous.
  • Audience: Public speeches are directed at a larger audience, whereas conversations are often one-on-one or within a small group.
  • Formality: Public speeches tend to use more formal language and a clear tone, whereas conversations can be informal and casual.
  • Purpose: Public speaking usually has a clear objective (e.g., to persuade or inform), whereas conversations may not always have a specific goal.

Discussion points:

  • Can a conversation turn into a public speech?
  • Are there situations where public speaking feels like a conversation?

3. How is a public speech distinguishable from a debate?

A public speech is usually a one-way communication where the speaker presents ideas to an audience, while a debate involves two or more individuals presenting opposing viewpoints and responding to each other.

Key differences:

  • Interaction: In a debate, participants directly engage with each other, whereas in a speech, the speaker mainly addresses the audience.
  • Purpose: A speech aims to inform, inspire, or persuade, whereas a debate focuses on presenting arguments and counterarguments.
  • Format: Public speeches follow a structured monologue format, while debates involve back-and-forth discussions.

Discussion points:

  • Can a public speech contain elements of a debate?
  • How do public speakers and debaters prepare differently?

4. What is language acquisition?

Language acquisition is the process of learning and developing a language, either as a first language (native language) or a second/foreign language. It involves acquiring vocabulary, grammar, pronunciation, and the ability to communicate effectively.

Discussion points:

  • How do children acquire language differently from adults?
  • What are the differences between learning a language in a classroom and acquiring it naturally?

5. In which ways can a public speech help in language acquisition?

Public speaking can be a powerful tool in language learning because:

  • Enhances vocabulary and grammar: Preparing for a speech helps learners use new words and sentence structures.
  • Improves pronunciation and fluency: Speaking in front of an audience encourages better pronunciation and smooth speech delivery.
  • Boosts confidence: Regular practice in public speaking reduces fear and hesitation when using a new language.
  • Encourages active listening: A good speaker also learns by listening to others, improving comprehension skills.
  • Provides real-life communication practice: Public speeches simulate real-world language use, helping learners develop effective communication skills.

Discussion points:

  • Have you ever learned a new phrase or word by listening to a speech?
  • How can public speaking activities be used in language learning classrooms?

These discussion questions can encourage students to think critically about public speaking and language learning while improving their communication skills.








B. The following is an abridged version of a famous speech made by Martin Luther King Jr. on August 28, 1963 in Washington D.C. USA. It is widely recognized as one of the most iconic speeches in American history.

Read it and answer the questions that follow.





... (T)he Negro is still not free.... the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.... (T)he Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. (T)he Negro is still languishing in the comers of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition....

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a drearn that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of 'interposition' and 'nullification', that one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together."

This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with.
With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.
With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.....
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania...

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, and when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual. "Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!" (abridged)


Here is a table with some important words from the passage along with their meanings in Bangla, synonyms, and antonyms:

Word Meaning (Bangla) Synonym Antonym
Free মুক্ত Liberated, Independent Captive, Oppressed
Segregation পৃথকীকরণ Separation, Isolation Integration, Inclusion
Discrimination বৈষম্য Prejudice, Bias Fairness, Equality
Poverty দারিদ্র্য Destitution, Scarcity Wealth, Prosperity
Exile নির্বাসন Banishment, Deportation Inclusion, Homecoming
Dream স্বপ্ন Vision, Aspiration Reality, Nightmare
Creed বিশ্বাস, মতবাদ Doctrine, Faith Disbelief, Doubt
Justice ন্যায়বিচার Fairness, Equity Injustice, Corruption
Oppression নিপীড়ন Tyranny, Suppression Freedom, Liberation
Brotherhood ভ্রাতৃত্ব Unity, Kinship Hostility, Division
Oasis মরুদ্যান Haven, Refuge Desert, Barrenness
Character চরিত্র Integrity, Nature Dishonor, Corruption
Vicious দুষ্ট, নিষ্ঠুর Cruel, Brutal Kind, Compassionate
Racist বর্ণবাদী Bigot, Supremacist Egalitarian, Unbiased
Injustice অবিচার Wrongdoing, Inequity Justice, Fairness
Struggle সংগ্রাম Fight, Battle Surrender, Ease
Freedom স্বাধীনতা Liberty, Independence Slavery, Captivity
Hope আশা Optimism, Expectation Despair, Hopelessness
Despair হতাশা Hopelessness, Misery Hope, Confidence
Symphony সুরেলা সংগীত Harmony, Melody Discord, Dissonance
Transform রূপান্তর Change, Convert Maintain, Preserve
Hew খোদাই করা Carve, Shape Destroy, Erase
Pray প্রার্থনা করা Worship, Supplicate Curse, Blaspheme
Mountain পর্বত Hill, Peak Valley, Plain
Valley উপত্যকা Gorge, Lowland Mountain, Peak
Reveal প্রকাশ করা Disclose, Unveil Hide, Conceal
Struggle সংগ্রাম Conflict, Fight Surrender, Yield
Join যোগদান করা Unite, Connect Separate, Disconnect
Speed up ত্বরান্বিত করা Accelerate, Hasten Delay, Slow down
Captive বন্দী Prisoner, Hostage Free, Liberated
Faith বিশ্বাস Trust, Conviction Doubt, Skepticism
Tyranny স্বৈরশাসন Oppression, Dictatorship Freedom, Democracy
Struggle লড়াই Battle, Effort Surrender, Comfort
Prodigious বিশাল Enormous, Gigantic Tiny, Insignificant
Integration সংহতি, একীকরণ Unification, Inclusion Segregation, Division


নীচে দেওয়া হলো প্রতিটি লাইনের বাংলা অর্থ:

"(T)he Negro is still not free.... the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination...."

"নিগ্রোরা এখনো মুক্ত নয়... নিগ্রোদের জীবন এখনো বিচ্ছিন্নতার শৃঙ্খল ও বৈষম্যের বেড়িতে বেদনাদায়কভাবে অবরুদ্ধ।"

"(T)he Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity."
"নিগ্রোরা বসবাস করছে দারিদ্র্যের এক নির্জন দ্বীপে, যেখানে চারদিকে রয়েছে বিপুল সম্পদের সমুদ্র।"

"(T)he Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land."
"নিগ্রোরা এখনো আমেরিকান সমাজের প্রান্তে অবহেলিত জীবনযাপন করছে এবং নিজ দেশেই যেন নির্বাসিত।"

"So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition...."
"তাই আমরা আজ এখানে এসেছি এই লজ্জাজনক পরিস্থিতি তুলে ধরতে।"

"I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream."

"আমি আজ তোমাদের বলছি, আমার বন্ধুরা, যদিও আমরা আজ ও আগামী দিনে বহু কঠিন পরিস্থিতির মুখোমুখি হচ্ছি, তবুও আমার একটি স্বপ্ন আছে।"

"It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream."
"এটি এমন একটি স্বপ্ন যা গভীরভাবে আমেরিকান স্বপ্নের সঙ্গে সংযুক্ত।"

"I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed:"
"আমার স্বপ্ন যে, একদিন এই জাতি জেগে উঠবে এবং তার মূল আদর্শের প্রকৃত অর্থকে বাস্তবায়িত করবে।"

"'We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.'"
"'আমরা এই সত্যকে স্বতঃসিদ্ধ বলে গ্রহণ করি যে, সকল মানুষ সমানভাবে সৃষ্টি হয়েছে।'"

"I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood."

"আমার স্বপ্ন যে, একদিন জর্জিয়ার লাল পাহাড়ে, প্রাক্তন দাসদের সন্তান এবং প্রাক্তন দাস-মালিকদের সন্তানরা একসাথে ভ্রাতৃত্বের টেবিলে বসতে পারবে।"

"I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice."
"আমার স্বপ্ন যে, একদিন মিসিসিপি, যে রাজ্য অবিচার ও নিপীড়নের উত্তাপে জ্বলছে, তা স্বাধীনতা ও ন্যায়বিচারের মরুদ্যানে পরিণত হবে।"

"I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the colour of their skin but by the content of their character."
"আমার স্বপ্ন যে, একদিন আমার চারটি ছোট সন্তান এমন একটি দেশে বাস করবে যেখানে তাদের গায়ের রঙ দিয়ে বিচার করা হবে না, বরং তাদের চরিত্রের গুণ দিয়ে বিচার করা হবে।"

"I have a dream today."

"আজ আমার একটি স্বপ্ন আছে।"

"I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of 'interposition' and 'nullification', that one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers."
"আমার স্বপ্ন যে, একদিন আলাবামায়, যেখানে প্রচণ্ড বর্ণবাদী শক্তি আছে, যেখানে গভর্নর ‘বিচ্ছিন্নতা’ ও ‘অগ্রাহ্যতা’র কথা বলে, সেই আলাবামাতেই একদিন ছোটো কালো ছেলেমেয়েরা এবং ছোটো সাদা ছেলেমেয়েরা হাতে হাত রেখে ভাই-বোনের মতো চলবে।"

"I have a dream today."
"আজ আমার একটি স্বপ্ন আছে।"

"I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight,"

"আমার স্বপ্ন যে, একদিন প্রতিটি উপত্যকা উন্নত হবে, প্রতিটি পাহাড় ও পর্বত নিচু হবে, বন্ধুর পথ সমতল হবে এবং বাঁকা পথ সোজা হবে,"

"'and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.'"
"'এবং প্রভুর মহিমা প্রকাশিত হবে, এবং সকল মানুষ একসঙ্গে তা দেখবে।'"

"This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with."

"এটাই আমাদের আশা। এটাই সেই বিশ্বাস, যা নিয়ে আমি দক্ষিণে ফিরে যাব।"

"With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope."
"এই বিশ্বাস নিয়ে আমরা হতাশার পাহাড় থেকে আশার পাথর বের করতে পারবো।"

"With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood."
"এই বিশ্বাস নিয়ে আমরা আমাদের জাতির বিশৃঙ্খল কলহকে এক অপূর্ব ভ্রাতৃত্বের সঙ্গীতে রূপান্তরিত করতে পারবো।"







"With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day....."
"এই বিশ্বাস নিয়ে আমরা একসঙ্গে কাজ করতে পারবো, একসঙ্গে প্রার্থনা করতে পারবো, একসঙ্গে সংগ্রাম করতে পারবো, একসঙ্গে কারাগারে যেতে পারবো, একসঙ্গে স্বাধীনতার জন্য দাঁড়াতে পারবো, জেনে যে একদিন আমরা মুক্ত হবো....."

"And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true."

"আর যদি আমেরিকা একটি মহান জাতি হতে চায়, তবে এটি সত্য হওয়া আবশ্যক।"

"So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire."
"তাই স্বাধীনতার ধ্বনি বাজুক নিউ হ্যাম্পশায়ারের বিশাল পাহাড়চূড়া থেকে।"

"Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York."
"স্বাধীনতার ধ্বনি বাজুক নিউ ইয়র্কের মহাশক্তিশালী পাহাড় থেকে।"

"Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania..."
"স্বাধীনতার ধ্বনি বাজুক পেনসিলভানিয়ার উঁচু এলেগেনি পর্বতমালা থেকে..."

"Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring."
"স্বাধীনতার ধ্বনি বাজুক মিসিসিপির প্রতিটি পাহাড় ও ছোটো টিলায়। প্রতিটি পর্বতের গায়ে স্বাধীনতার ধ্বনি বাজুক।"

"And when this happens, and when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city,"

"আর যখন এটি ঘটবে, যখন আমরা স্বাধীনতার ধ্বনি বাজতে দেব, যখন আমরা এটি প্রতিটি গ্রাম, প্রতিটি ছোট জনপদ, প্রতিটি রাজ্য এবং প্রতিটি শহর থেকে বাজতে দেব,"

"we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and gentiles, Protestants and Catholics,"
"তখন আমরা সেই দিনের আগমন ত্বরান্বিত করতে পারবো যখন ঈশ্বরের সকল সন্তান, কালো মানুষ এবং সাদা মানুষ, ইহুদি এবং অ-ইহুদি, প্রোটেস্ট্যান্ট এবং ক্যাথলিক,"

"will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual. 'Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!'"
"তারা হাতে হাত রেখে গাইবে পুরনো নিগ্রো আধ্যাত্মিক গান: 'অবশেষে মুক্ত! অবশেষে মুক্ত! সর্বশক্তিমান ঈশ্বরকে ধন্যবাদ, আমরা অবশেষে মুক্ত!'"


C. Guess the meanings of the words in Column A from the context and match them with their meanings given in Column B:


Answer Question No. C

Here is the  matching of Column A with Column B:

  1. sweltering → (i) unpleasantly hot
  2. vicious → (c) cruel
  3. racist → (e) discriminatory
  4. exalted → (b) filled with a great feeling of joy
  5. crooked → (h) twisted
  6. jangling → (f) rattling
  7. symphony → (d) an elaborate musical composition
  8. molehill → (a) small hill
  9. hamlet → (g) community
  10. gentile → (j) someone who is not Jewish

D. Answer the following questions.
a. What is the speech about?
b. Why did Martin Luther King Jr. have his dreams?
c. Which of his dreams do you appreciate more and why?
d. What, according to Martin Luther King Jr., would be the ultimate benefit if his dreams came true?
e. What is a literary device? What is the most frequently used literary device in the speech?





Answer Question No. D

a. What is the speech about?
The speech is about racial equality and justice. Martin Luther King Jr. speaks against segregation and discrimination and expresses his dream of a future where all people, regardless of their race, will be treated equally and live together in peace and unity.

b. Why did Martin Luther King Jr. have his dreams?
He had his dreams because African Americans faced widespread racial injustice, segregation, and discrimination in the United States. He believed in the ideals of the American Dream and sought to inspire people to work toward a future where freedom and equality were a reality for everyone.

c. Which of his dreams do you appreciate more and why?
(I can provide an answer, but this question requires a personal opinion. Here’s a general response.)
One of the most inspiring dreams is his vision of a world where people are judged not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. This is important because it promotes fairness and equality, emphasizing the value of a person's actions and values rather than their race.

d. What, according to Martin Luther King Jr., would be the ultimate benefit if his dreams came true?
If his dreams came true, the ultimate benefit would be a united and just society where all people, regardless of race or religion, could live together in freedom and equality. There would be harmony, justice, and brotherhood among all people, making America a truly great nation.

e. What is a literary device? What is the most frequently used literary device in the speech?
A literary device is a technique used by writers and speakers to enhance their messages and make them more effective and impactful. The most frequently used literary device in this speech is repetition, as seen in the repeated phrase "I have a dream." This technique emphasizes his vision and makes his message more powerful and memorable. Other literary devices used include metaphors (e.g., "manacles of segregation" and "chains of discrimination") and allusions (e.g., references to the Bible and the Declaration of Independence).


D. Can you make a similar speech about your dreams for Bangladesh? I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up.

i................................. 

11...............................

ii..................................

IV................................... 



Answer Question No. D

Sure! Here’s a speech inspired by "I Have a Dream," reflecting dreams for Bangladesh:


I Have a Dream for Bangladesh

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and fulfill the true promise of its independence—a land of justice, equality, and prosperity for all.

i. I have a dream that one day, no child in Bangladesh will go to bed hungry, that poverty will no longer chain millions to a life of struggle, and that every family will have access to food, clean water, and shelter.

ii. I have a dream that every child, whether born in the villages of Rangpur or the cities of Dhaka and Chattogram, will have access to quality education. That no student will have to drop out because of poverty, and that our schools will be places of knowledge, creativity, and opportunity.

iii. I have a dream that one day, corruption and injustice will no longer hold back the progress of this nation. That no citizen will have to suffer because of bribery or inequality. That the rule of law will protect the weak and empower the strong to serve, not to exploit.

iv. I have a dream that Bangladesh will be a land where Hindus, Muslims, Buddhists, and Christians live together in harmony. That our differences will be our strength, and that no one will be judged by their religion, ethnicity, or gender, but by their actions and their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, every farmer, every worker, every entrepreneur will thrive. That Bangladesh’s rivers will be clean, its air fresh, and its cities green. That we will lead in technology, industry, and innovation.

And when this happens, when we allow prosperity, justice, and unity to ring from Teknaf to Tetulia, from Sundarbans to Sylhet, we will speed up the day when all Bangladeshis will proudly say:

“Free at last! Free at last! Thank Almighty, we are truly free at last!”




E. Complete the sentences below using adjective clauses.

i. I have a dream that ....................Bangladesh.......
ii. My friend..................... has a dream that.......
iii. My mother has a dream that....................
iv. My teacher has a dream that.......
v. Our leader .................... had a dream that.........

Answer Question No. E

Here are the completed sentences with adjective clauses:

i. I have a dream that Bangladesh will become a prosperous and peaceful nation where everyone has equal opportunities.

ii. My friend, who always thinks about the welfare of others, has a dream that one day poverty and injustice will be eradicated from the world.

iii. My mother, who is a kind and caring person, has a dream that her children will grow up to be successful and responsible individuals.

iv. My teacher, who inspires us every day, has a dream that education will be accessible to every child, regardless of their background.

v. Our leader, who dedicated his life to serving the people, had a dream that the nation would progress through unity, hard work, and integrity.


F. Find the meanings of the following words and make sentences with them.

i. interposition
ii. nullification
prodigious
iv. discord
v. hamlet

Answer Question No. F

Here are the meanings and example sentences for the given words:

i. Interposition – The act of placing something between two things or intervening in a situation.
Sentence: The government's interposition in the dispute helped prevent further violence.

ii. Nullification – The act of making something legally void or ineffective.

Sentence: The court ruled in favor of the nullification of the unfair law.

iii. Prodigious – Remarkably great in size, extent, or degree.
Sentence: The scientist made a prodigious discovery that changed the course of medicine.

iv. Discord – Disagreement or conflict between people or groups.
Sentence: The constant discord among the team members led to their project’s failure.

v. Hamlet – A small village or settlement.
Sentence: The travelers rested in a quiet hamlet nestled in the mountains.


G. Project work:

Write a short paragraph about your dreams regarding your college life.

Answer Question No. G

My Dreams for College Life

As I prepare to embark on my college journey, I have many dreams and aspirations that I hope to achieve. First and foremost, I dream of gaining a quality education that will equip me with the knowledge and skills to excel in my chosen field. I want to immerse myself in a learning environment that encourages critical thinking, creativity, and innovation. Beyond academics, I dream of making lifelong friendships with people from diverse backgrounds. College is a place where I hope to meet individuals who share my interests, challenge my perspectives, and inspire me to grow as a person.

Another important dream I have for my college life is personal growth and independence. I want to learn how to manage my time effectively, balance academics with extracurricular activities, and develop strong leadership qualities. I dream of participating in clubs, sports, or social initiatives that will help me contribute to the community and make a difference in the world.

Finally, I dream of finding my true passion and purpose. College is a stepping stone to my future, and I want to make the most of every opportunity that comes my way. Whether through internships, research projects, or volunteer work, I hope to gain hands-on experience that will shape my career path. Most importantly, I dream of graduating with not only a degree but also with a sense of confidence, resilience, and readiness to face the world.




H. Here is another classic example of a public speech, delivered by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on March 7, 1971. This speech has been recognized by UNESCO as part of the Memory of the World Register for its documentary heritage. Read the excerpts from the speech and focus on key elements of effective public speaking, including the opening, development of ideas, emotional appeal, and strong conclusion.



My brothers.

I stand before you today with a heart overflowing with grief. You are fully aware of the events that are going on and understand their import. We have been trying to do our best to cope with the situation. And yet, unfortunately, the streets of Dhaka, Chattogram, Khulna, Rajshahi and Rangpur are awash with the blood of our brothers. The people of Bengal now want to be free, the people of Bengal now want to live, and the people of Bengal now want their rights.

What have we done that was wrong? After the elections, the people of Bangladesh voted as one for me, for the Awami League. We were to sit in the National Assembly, draft a constitution for ourselves there, and build our country, the people of this land would thereby get economic, political, and cultural freedom. But it is with regret that I have to report to you today that we have passed through twenty-three tragic years; Bengal's history of those years is full of stories of torture inflicted on our people, of bloodshed by them repeatedly. Twenty-three years of a history of men and women in agony!

The history of Bengal is the history of a people who have repeatedly made their highways crimson red with their blood. We shed blood in 1952; even though we were the victors in the elections of 1954, we could not form a government then. In 1958 Ayub Khan declared Martial Law to enslave us for the next ten years. In 1966 when we launched the Six Point Movement, our boys were shot dead on 7 June. When after the movement of 1969 Ayub Khan fell from power and Yahya Khan assumed the reins of the government, he declared that he would give us a constitution and restore democracy; we listened to him then. A lot has happened since then and elections have taken place.

[...]

I have had a talk with Mr. Yahya Khan. 1 told him, "Mr. Yahya, you are the President of Pakistan; come and observe how the poor people of my country are being mowed down with bullets; come and see how our mothers are being deprived of their children; how my people are being massacred. Come, observe, and only then pass a judgement on what is going on. He has apparently said that I had agreed to attend a Round Table Conference on the 10th of March. Didn't I say a long time back: what is the point of another Round Table conference? Who will I sit with?


Should I sit with those who have shed the blood of my people? He has suddenly dissolved the Assembly without carrying out any discussions with me; after sitting in a secret meeting for five hours he gave a speech where he has put all the blame on me. He has even blamed the Bengali people!

My brothers.

The Assembly has been called into session on the 25th of March. But the blood spilled on our streets has not yet dried. About the 10th of this month, I have told them: Mujibur Rahman won't join the Round Table Conference because that would mean wading over the blood that has been shed. Although you have called the Assembly into session, you'll have to listen to my demands first. You'll have to withdraw Martial Law. You'll have to return all army personnel to their barracks. You'll have to investigate the way our people have been murdered. And you'll have to transfer power to the representatives of the people. It is only then that will we decide whether we will take our seats in the Assembly or not. 1 don't want the Prime Minister's office. We want the people of this country to have their rights.

[]

On the 28th employees will go and collect their salaries. If their salaries are not paid, if another bullet is fired, if my people are shot dead again, I request all of you: convert every house into a fort; confront the enemy with whatever you have. And even at the risk of your life, and even if I am not around to direct you, shut down all shops and make sure that traffic on all roads and ports are brought to a standstill. If need be, we will starve to death, but we'll go down striving for our rights.

To those in the armed forces I have this to say: you are our brothers; stay in your barracks and no one will bother you. But don't try again to aim your bullets at our chests. You can't suppress seventy million people forever. Since we have learned to sacrifice ourselves no one can suppress us anymore.

Remember: since we have already had to shed blood, we'll have to shed a lot more of it; by the Grace of God, however, we'll be able to liberate the people of this land. The struggle this time is a struggle for our emancipation the struggle this time is a struggle for freedom.

Joi Bangla!

Here are some important words from the speech along with their meanings in Bengali, synonyms, and antonyms:

Word Meaning (Bengali) Synonym Antonym
Grief শোক, দুঃখ Sorrow, Mourning Joy, Happiness
Cope মোকাবিলা করা Manage, Handle Fail, Surrender
Bloodshed রক্তপাত Slaughter, Massacre Peace, Harmony
Rights অধিকার Privilege, Liberty Oppression, Injustice
Constitution সংবিধান Law, Charter Anarchy, Disorder
Freedom স্বাধীনতা Liberation, Emancipation Slavery, Oppression
Torture নির্যাতন Persecution, Abuse Comfort, Relief
Agony যন্ত্রণা Pain, Suffering Pleasure, Comfort
Crimson রক্তিম, লাল Red, Scarlet Pale, White
Enslave দাসত্বে আবদ্ধ করা Subjugate, Oppress Liberate, Free
Democracy গণতন্ত্র Republic, Self-rule Dictatorship, Tyranny
Restore পুনরুদ্ধার করা Reinstate, Recover Destroy, Abolish
Observe পর্যবেক্ষণ করা Notice, Witness Ignore, Overlook
Massacre গণহত্যা Slaughter, Bloodbath Protection, Rescue
Deprived বঞ্চিত Impoverished, Dispossessed Privileged, Fortunate
Judgement বিচার Verdict, Decision Bias, Prejudice
Dissolve বাতিল করা Disband, Terminate Establish, Form
Blame দোষারোপ করা Accuse, Condemn Praise, Defend
Secret গোপন Confidential, Hidden Public, Open
Demand দাবি Requirement, Request Offer, Concession
Withdraw প্রত্যাহার করা Remove, Retire Deploy, Introduce
Investigate তদন্ত করা Examine, Probe Ignore, Overlook
Confront মোকাবিলা করা Face, Oppose Avoid, Retreat
Enemy শত্রু Foe, Opponent Friend, Ally
Suppress দমন করা Repress, Restrain Encourage, Support
Sacrifice আত্মত্যাগ করা Give up, Surrender Retain, Keep
Emancipation মুক্তি Liberation, Freedom Bondage, Captivity
Struggle সংগ্রাম Fight, Battle Peace, Ease
Risk ঝুঁকি Danger, Hazard Safety, Security
Dire ভয়াবহ Severe, Extreme Mild, Moderate
Inspire অনুপ্রাণিত করা Motivate, Encourage Discourage, Deter
Betray বিশ্বাসঘাতকতা করা Deceive, Cheat Trust, Loyalty
Oppression দমন, নির্যাতন Tyranny, Suppression Freedom, Justice
Starve অনাহারে থাকা Fast, Hunger Nourish, Feed
Liberation মুক্তি, স্বাধীনতা Freedom, Emancipation Captivity, Enslavement






Here is a line-by-line Bangla translation of the passage:

My brothers.

আমার ভাইয়েরা।

I stand before you today with a heart overflowing with grief.

আমি আজ আপনাদের সামনে দাঁড়িয়েছি এক বেদনায় ভরা হৃদয় নিয়ে।

You are fully aware of the events that are going on and understand their import.

আপনারা ভালোভাবেই জানেন কী ঘটছে এবং এর গুরুত্বও বোঝেন।

We have been trying to do our best to cope with the situation.

আমরা আমাদের যথাসাধ্য চেষ্টা করছি পরিস্থিতির সাথে মানিয়ে নিতে।

And yet, unfortunately, the streets of Dhaka, Chattogram, Khulna, Rajshahi and Rangpur are awash with the blood of our brothers.

তবুও দুর্ভাগ্যবশত, ঢাকা, চট্টগ্রাম, খুলনা, রাজশাহী এবং রংপুরের রাস্তা আমাদের ভাইদের রক্তে রঞ্জিত।

The people of Bengal now want to be free, the people of Bengal now want to live, and the people of Bengal now want their rights.

বাংলার মানুষ এখন স্বাধীন হতে চায়, বাংলার মানুষ এখন বাঁচতে চায়, বাংলার মানুষ এখন তাদের অধিকার চায়।

What have we done that was wrong?

আমরা কী এমন ভুল করেছি?

After the elections, the people of Bangladesh voted as one for me, for the Awami League.

নির্বাচনের পরে, বাংলাদেশের জনগণ আমাকে, আওয়ামী লীগকে, একসঙ্গে ভোট দিয়েছিল।

We were to sit in the National Assembly, draft a constitution for ourselves there, and build our country, the people of this land would thereby get economic, political, and cultural freedom.

আমরা জাতীয় পরিষদে বসতাম, সেখানে আমাদের জন্য একটি সংবিধান তৈরি করতাম, এবং আমাদের দেশ গড়ে তুলতাম, যাতে এই দেশের মানুষ অর্থনৈতিক, রাজনৈতিক ও সাংস্কৃতিক স্বাধীনতা পায়।







But it is with regret that I have to report to you today that we have passed through twenty-three tragic years; Bengal's history of those years is full of stories of torture inflicted on our people, of bloodshed by them repeatedly.

কিন্তু দুঃখের সাথে আজ আপনাদের বলতে হচ্ছে যে, আমরা তেইশটি করুণ বছর পার করেছি; এই সময়ের বাংলার ইতিহাস অত্যাচার, নির্যাতন এবং রক্তপাতের কাহিনিতে পরিপূর্ণ।

Twenty-three years of a history of men and women in agony!

তেইশ বছর ধরে পুরুষ ও নারীর দুঃখ-যন্ত্রণার ইতিহাস!

The history of Bengal is the history of a people who have repeatedly made their highways crimson red with their blood.

বাংলার ইতিহাস হলো সেই মানুষের ইতিহাস যারা বারবার তাদের রক্ত দিয়ে রাজপথ রঞ্জিত করেছে।

We shed blood in 1952; even though we were the victors in the elections of 1954, we could not form a government then.

আমরা ১৯৫২ সালে রক্ত দিয়েছি; ১৯৫৪ সালের নির্বাচনে বিজয়ী হলেও আমরা তখন সরকার গঠন করতে পারিনি।

In 1958 Ayub Khan declared Martial Law to enslave us for the next ten years.

১৯৫৮ সালে আইয়ুব খান মার্শাল ল’ জারি করে আমাদের পরবর্তী দশ বছর দাসত্বের শৃঙ্খলে আবদ্ধ করে রেখেছিল।

In 1966 when we launched the Six Point Movement, our boys were shot dead on 7 June.

১৯৬৬ সালে যখন আমরা ছয় দফা আন্দোলন শুরু করি, তখন ৭ জুন আমাদের ছেলেদের গুলি করে হত্যা করা হয়।

When after the movement of 1969 Ayub Khan fell from power and Yahya Khan assumed the reins of the government, he declared that he would give us a constitution and restore democracy; we listened to him then.

১৯৬৯ সালের আন্দোলনের পর যখন আইয়ুব খান ক্ষমতা হারালেন এবং ইয়াহিয়া খান সরকার পরিচালনার দায়িত্ব নিলেন, তখন তিনি ঘোষণা দিলেন যে তিনি আমাদের সংবিধান দেবেন এবং গণতন্ত্র পুনঃপ্রতিষ্ঠা করবেন; আমরা তখন তার কথা শুনেছিলাম।

A lot has happened since then and elections have taken place.

তারপর অনেক কিছু ঘটেছে এবং নির্বাচন অনুষ্ঠিত হয়েছে।

I have had a talk with Mr. Yahya Khan.

আমি ইয়াহিয়া খানের সাথে কথা বলেছি।

I told him, "Mr. Yahya, you are the President of Pakistan; come and observe how the poor people of my country are being mowed down with bullets;

আমি তাকে বলেছি, "মি. ইয়াহিয়া, আপনি পাকিস্তানের রাষ্ট্রপতি; আসুন এবং দেখুন কীভাবে আমার দেশের গরিব মানুষদের গুলি করে হত্যা করা হচ্ছে;

come and see how our mothers are being deprived of their children; how my people are being massacred.

আসুন এবং দেখুন কীভাবে আমাদের মায়েরা তাদের সন্তানদের হারাচ্ছে; কীভাবে আমার জনগণকে হত্যা করা হচ্ছে।

Come, observe, and only then pass a judgment on what is going on."

আসুন, দেখুন, তারপরই কেবল বিচার করুন কী ঘটছে।Should I sit with those who have shed the blood of my people?

আমি কি তাদের সাথে বসব, যারা আমার জনগণের রক্ত ঝরিয়েছে?

He has suddenly dissolved the Assembly without carrying out any discussions with me;

তিনি হঠাৎ করে আমার সাথে কোনো আলোচনা না করেই জাতীয় পরিষদ ভেঙে দিয়েছেন;

after sitting in a secret meeting for five hours he gave a speech where he has put all the blame on me.

পাঁচ ঘণ্টা গোপন বৈঠকের পর তিনি এক বক্তৃতায় সমস্ত দোষ আমার ওপর চাপিয়েছেন।

He has even blamed the Bengali people!

তিনি এমনকি বাঙালি জনগণকেও দোষারোপ করেছেন!

On the 28th employees will go and collect their salaries.

২৮ তারিখে কর্মচারীরা তাদের বেতন সংগ্রহ করবে।

If their salaries are not paid, if another bullet is fired, if my people are shot dead again, I request all of you:

যদি তাদের বেতন না দেওয়া হয়, যদি আবার গুলি চালানো হয়, যদি আমার জনগণকে আবার হত্যা করা হয়, তবে আমি আপনাদের সকলকে অনুরোধ করছি:

convert every house into a fort; confront the enemy with whatever you have.

প্রতিটি বাড়িকে দুর্গে পরিণত করুন; যা কিছু আছে তা দিয়েই শত্রুর মোকাবিলা করুন।

If need be, we will starve to death, but we'll go down striving for our rights.

প্রয়োজনে আমরা না খেয়ে মরব, তবু আমরা আমাদের অধিকার আদায়ের জন্য লড়াই চালিয়ে যাব।

The struggle this time is a struggle for our emancipation; the struggle this time is a struggle for freedom.

এই সংগ্রাম এবার আমাদের মুক্তির সংগ্রাম; এই সংগ্রাম এবার আমাদের স্বাধীনতার সংগ্রাম।

Joi Bangla!!

জয় বাংলা!!









Revision:

Answer the following questions:

i. What are the differences between 'emancipation' and 'freedom"?
ii. What features of the speech do you appreciate the most? Why?
iii. Can you identify the key sections of the speech and describe their purpose?
iv. Compare this speech with the one by Martin Luther King that you read earlier. Are there similarities in the persuasive techniques used in both speeches?
v. Using first-person plural pronouns (we, us, our) instead of singular ones (I, me, my) to convey a sense of unity with the audience is an effective public speaking technique. Do the two speeches you read use this technique? Identify where it appears and explain its effect.

Here are the answers of the above text questions:

i. Differences between 'emancipation' and 'freedom'

  • Emancipation refers to the process of being freed from restrictions, oppression, or control imposed by others. It often involves overcoming legal, political, or social constraints (e.g., the emancipation of enslaved people).
  • Freedom is a broader concept that refers to the ability to act, speak, and think without external control or oppression. It represents the state of being free and having autonomy over one's life.
  • In the speech, "emancipation" implies breaking free from political and economic oppression, while "freedom" suggests achieving complete sovereignty and self-rule for Bengal.

ii. Appreciable Features of the Speech & Reasons

  1. Emotional Appeal – The speaker connects deeply with the audience’s suffering and sacrifices, making them feel part of a shared struggle.
  2. Use of Historical References – By mentioning past injustices (e.g., 1952 Language Movement, 1966 Six-Point Movement, and 1969 mass uprisings), the speech builds credibility and reminds people of their history of resistance.
  3. Call to Action – The speech urges people to take concrete steps, such as closing shops, making homes into forts, and resisting oppression.
  4. Inclusive Language – By using words like "brothers," "we," and "our," the speaker fosters unity and solidarity among the people.
  5. Powerful Conclusion – Ending with “The struggle this time is a struggle for our emancipation, the struggle this time is a struggle for freedom” reinforces the urgency and determination of the movement.

iii. Key Sections of the Speech & Their Purpose

  1. Introduction (Expression of Grief & Injustice) – The speaker highlights the suffering of the people and their struggle for rights.
  2. Historical Context & Injustices Faced – By recounting the past 23 years of oppression, the speaker builds a case for why liberation is necessary.
  3. Condemnation of Oppressors – The speaker criticizes Yahya Khan's actions, exposing his betrayal and blaming him for the crisis.
  4. Call for Justice & Demands – Specific demands are put forward, such as lifting Martial Law, withdrawing the military, and transferring power to elected representatives.
  5. Call to Action & Resistance – The speaker urges the people to shut down the economy, turn their homes into fortresses, and prepare for further struggle.
  6. Conclusion (Declaration of Struggle for Freedom) – The final section motivates the people, reinforcing the necessity of sacrifice for ultimate freedom.

iv. Comparison with Martin Luther King Jr.’s Speech ("I Have a Dream")

  • Similarities in Persuasive Techniques:

    1. Emotional Appeal: Both speeches evoke strong emotions by highlighting historical oppression and suffering.
    2. Historical References: MLK refers to the Emancipation Proclamation and U.S. history, while this speech mentions past Bengali struggles.
    3. Call to Action: Both speeches encourage the audience to actively participate in a movement for justice.
    4. Use of Repetition: MLK repeats "I have a dream," while this speech repeats “The struggle this time is a struggle for…” to reinforce key ideas.
    5. Hope & Vision for the Future: Both speeches end with a hopeful message of eventual victory and justice.
  • Differences:

    • MLK’s speech focuses on racial equality and civil rights, while this speech emphasizes national independence and self-governance.
    • MLK uses metaphors and poetic language, while this speech is more direct and urgent due to the immediate political crisis.

v. Use of First-Person Plural Pronouns & Their Effect

Both speeches effectively use first-person plural pronouns to create a sense of unity and collective struggle:

  • In This Speech:

    • "The people of Bengal now want to be free, the people of Bengal now want to live, and the people of Bengal now want their rights."
    • "We shed blood in 1952…"
    • "We want the people of this country to have their rights."
    • Effect: By using “we” instead of “I,” the speaker positions himself as part of the people, fostering solidarity and collective determination.
  • In MLK’s Speech:

    • "We cannot walk alone."
    • "We will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream."
    • "Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred."
    • Effect: MLK unites Black and White Americans in a shared cause, making the Civil Rights Movement feel like a national struggle rather than an individual effort.

Both speeches masterfully use inclusive language to inspire their audiences, making them feel like active participants in the movement rather than passive listeners.


Final Thoughts

This speech is a powerful declaration of resistance, much like MLK’s "I Have a Dream" speech. Both leaders used history, emotions, and a call to action to inspire their people. However, this speech is more urgent and direct due to the immediate political crisis, while MLK’s speech is more visionary, aiming for long-term social justice.



I. The following speech is a selection from Nelson Mandela's statement at a trial in 1964. He had been arrested by South African security police in 1962 for his opposition to the white government and policy of racial, economic and political separatism that is called 'apartheid'. In 1964, further charges were brought against Mandela including sabotage, high treason and conspiracy to overthrow the government. See how Mandela defends himself in his speech:




"I am the First Accused.

I hold a Bachelor's Degree in Arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May 1961.


At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion made by the State in its opening that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect. I have done whatever I did, both as an individual and as a leader of my people, because of my experience in South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of what any outsider might have said.

In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland. The names of Dingane and Bambata, Hintsa and Makana, Squngthi and Dalasile, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhuni, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle. This is what has motivated me in all that I have done in relation to the charges made against me in this case. [...]

In the statement which I am about to make I shall correct certain false impressions which have been created by State witnesses. [...]

The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people which had been seriously curtailed by the South Africa Act, and which were then being threatened by the Native Land Act. For thirty-seven years -that is until 1949 it adhered strictly to a constitutional struggle. It put forward demands and resolutions; it sent delegations to the Government in the belief that African grievances could be settled through peaceful discussion and that Africans could advance gradually to full political rights. [...]

Even after 1949, the ANC remained determined to avoid violence. At this time, however, there was a change from the strictly constitutional means of protest which had been employed in the past. The change was embodied in a decision which was taken to protest against apartheid legislation by peaceful, but unlawful, demonstrations against certain laws. Pursuant to this policy the ANC launched the Defiance Campaign, in which I was placed in charge of volunteers. This campaign was based on the principles of passive resistance. More than 8,500 people defied apartheid laws and went to jail. Yet there was not a single instance of violence in the course of this campaign on the part of any defier. I and nineteen colleagues were convicted for the role which we played in organizing the campaign, but our sentences were suspended mainly because the Judge found that discipline and non-violence had been stressed throughout.
[...]

Government has always sought to label all its opponents as communists. This allegation has been repeated in the present case, but as I will show, the ANC is not, and never has been, a communist organization.

In 1960 there was the shooting at Sharpeville, which resulted in the proclamation of a state of emergency and the declaration of the ANC as an unlawful organization. My colleagues and I, after careful consideration, decided that we would not obey this decree. The African people were not part of the Government and did not make the laws by which they were governed. We believed in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that 'the will of the people shall be the basis of authority of the Government, and for us to accept the banning was equivalent to accepting the silencing of the Africans for all time. The ANC refused to dissolve, but instead went underground. [...]

Some of this may appear irrelevant to this trial. In fact, I believe none of it is irrelevant because it will, I hope, enable the Court to appreciate the attitude eventually adopted by the various persons and bodies concerned in the National Liberation Movement. When I went to jail in 1962, the dominant idea was that loss of life should be avoided. I now know that this was still so in 1963.

I must return to June 1961. What were we, the leaders of our people, to do? Were we to give in to the show of force and the implied threat against future action, or were we to fight it and, if so, how?

We had no doubt that we had to continue the fight. Anything else would have been abject surrender. Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight. We of the ANC had always stood for a non-racial democracy, and we shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart than they already were. But the hard facts were that fifty years of non-violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights. [...]

It is true, as I have already stated, that I have been influenced by Marxist thought. But this is also true of many of the leaders of the new independent States. Such widely different persons as Gandhi, Nehru, Nkrumah, and Nasser all acknowledge this fact. We all accept the need for some form of socialism to enable our people to catch up with the advanced countries of this world and to overcome their legacy of extreme poverty. But this does not mean we are Marxists.
[...]


I have been influenced in my thinking by both West and East. All this has led me to feel that in my search for a political formula, I should be absolutely impartial and objective. I should tie myself to no particular system of society other than of socialism. I must leave myself free to borrow the best from the West and from the East... [...]

Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships or, to use the language of the State Prosecutor, 'so-called hardships. Basically, we fight against two features which are the hallmarks of African life in South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation which we seek to have repealed. These features are poverty and lack of human dignity, and we do not need communists or so-called 'agitators' to teach us about these things. [...]

The highest-paid and the most prosperous section of urban African life is in Johannesburg. Yet their actual position is desperate. [...]

Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition and disease. The incidence of malnutrition and deficiency diseases is very high amongst Africans. Tuberculosis, pellagra, kwashiorkor, gastro-enteritis, and scurvy bring death and destruction of health. The incidence of infant mortality is one of the highest in the world. [...]

The complaint of Africans, however, is not only that they are poor and the whites are rich, but that the laws which are made by the whites are designed to preserve this situation. There are two ways to break out of poverty. The first is by formal education, and the second is by the worker acquiring a greater skill at his work and thus higher wages. As far as Africans are concerned, both these avenues of advancement are deliberately curtailed by legislation.



The present Government has always sought to hamper Africans in their search for education. One of their early acts, after coming into power, was to stop subsidies for African school feeding. Many African children who attended schools depended on this supplement to their diet. This was a cruel act.

There is compulsory education for all white children at virtually no cost to their parents, be they rich or poor. Similar facilities are not provided for the African children, though there are some who receive such assistance. African children. however, generally have to pay more for their schooling than whites. According to figures quoted by the South African Institute of Race Relations in its 1963 journal, approximately 40 per cent of African children in the age group between seven to fourteen do not attend school. For those who do attend school, the standards are vastly different from those afforded to white children. [...]

The Government often answers its critics by saying that Africans in South Africa are economically better off than the inhabitants of the other countries in Africa. I do not know whether this statement is true and doubt whether any comparison can be made without having regard to the cost-of-living index in such countries. But even if it is true, as far as the African people are concerned it is irrelevant. Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison with people in other countries, but that we are poor by comparison with the white people in our own country, and that we are prevented by legislation from altering this imbalance.

The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white supremacy. White supremacy implies black inferiority. Legislation designed to preserve white supremacy entrenches this notion. [...]

This then is what the ANC is fighting. Their struggle is a truly national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live.

During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.

Here is a table with some important words from Nelson Mandela's speech, along with their meanings in Bangla, synonyms, and antonyms.

English Word Meaning (Bangla) Synonym Antonym
Accused অভিযুক্ত Defendant, Suspect Innocent, Acquitted
Convicted দণ্ডিত Sentenced, Condemned Acquitted, Cleared
Permit অনুমতি Authorization, License Prohibition, Ban
Inciting উসকানি দেওয়া Provoking, Instigating Calming, Pacifying
Struggle সংগ্রাম Fight, Battle Surrender, Compliance
Influence প্রভাব Impact, Control Ineffectiveness, Weakness
Opponent প্রতিপক্ষ Rival, Adversary Ally, Supporter
Experience অভিজ্ঞতা Knowledge, Awareness Ignorance, Inexperience
Background পটভূমি Context, History Foreground, Present
Ancestors পূর্বপুরুষ Forefathers, Predecessors Descendants, Successors
Contribution অবদান Input, Donation Withdrawal, Neglect
False মিথ্যা Untrue, Incorrect True, Correct
Impression ছাপ Perception, Effect Reality, Truth
Delegation প্রতিনিধি দল Group, Committee Individual, Lone
Protest প্রতিবাদ Demonstration, Objection Agreement, Support
Non-violence অহিংসা Peacefulness, Passivity Violence, Aggression
Defiance অবাধ্যতা Resistance, Rebellion Obedience, Compliance
Campaign অভিযান Movement, Crusade Stagnation, Retreat
Sentence শাস্তি Punishment, Verdict Pardon, Acquittal
Repressive দমনমূলক Oppressive, Tyrannical Liberating, Freeing
Declaration ঘোষণা Proclamation, Announcement Silence, Concealment
Banning নিষিদ্ধ করা Prohibiting, Forbidding Allowing, Permitting
Underground গোপনে Hidden, Secret Public, Open
Hardship কষ্ট Suffering, Struggle Comfort, Ease
Agitator উত্তেজক Provocateur, Instigator Peacemaker, Mediator
Poverty দারিদ্র্য Destitution, Scarcity Wealth, Prosperity
Dignity সম্মান Honor, Self-respect Humiliation, Disgrace
Nutrition পুষ্টি Nourishment, Diet Malnutrition, Starvation
Disease রোগ Illness, Ailment Health, Wellness
Infant শিশু Baby, Newborn Adult, Grown-up
Mortality মৃত্যু হার Death rate, Fatality Survival, Longevity
Legislation আইন Law, Statute Anarchy, Lawlessness
Advancement উন্নতি Progress, Development Decline, Regression
Hamper বাধা দেওয়া Obstruct, Hinder Facilitate, Assist
Assistance সহায়তা Help, Support Hindrance, Obstruction
Standard মান Benchmark, Level Inferiority, Substandard
Comparison তুলনা Contrast, Correlation Difference, Disparity
Superior উচ্চতর Better, Higher Inferior, Lower
Prevented প্রতিরোধ করা Stopped, Hindered Allowed, Facilitated
Supremacy আধিপত্য Dominance, Power Inferiority, Subjugation
Entrenched দৃঢ়ভাবে প্রতিষ্ঠিত Established, Fixed Unstable, Weak
Inspired অনুপ্রাণিত Motivated, Encouraged Discouraged, Uninspired
Suffering কষ্ট Pain, Hardship Comfort, Relief
Liberation মুক্তি Freedom, Emancipation Oppression, Enslavement
Democracy গণতন্ত্র Republic, Popular rule Dictatorship, Tyranny
Harmony সাদৃশ্য Peace, Accord Conflict, Discord
Equal সমান Fair, Equivalent Unequal, Unfair
Cherish লালন করা Treasure, Adore Neglect, Disregard
Hope আশা Expectation, Aspiration Despair, Hopelessness
Achieve অর্জন করা Accomplish, Attain Fail, Lose
Dedicated উৎসর্গীকৃত Devoted, Committed Uncommitted, Indifferent
Ideal আদর্শ Principle, Perfection Flaw, Defect










1. I am the First Accused.
আমি প্রথম অভিযুক্ত।

2. I hold a Bachelor's Degree in Arts and practised as an attorney in Johannesburg for a number of years in partnership with Oliver Tambo.
আমার কলা বিষয়ে স্নাতক ডিগ্রি রয়েছে এবং আমি অলিভার টাম্বোর সাথে অংশীদারত্বে কয়েক বছর জোহানেসবার্গে একজন আইনজীবী হিসেবে কাজ করেছি।

3. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May 1961.
আমি একজন দণ্ডিত বন্দী, যিনি দেশের অনুমতি ছাড়া দেশত্যাগ করা এবং ১৯৬১ সালের মে মাসের শেষ দিকে মানুষকে ধর্মঘটে উৎসাহিত করার দায়ে পাঁচ বছরের সাজা ভোগ করছি।

4. At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion made by the State in its opening that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect.
প্রথমেই আমি বলতে চাই যে, রাজ্যের উদ্বোধনী বক্তব্যে করা এই দাবি যে দক্ষিণ আফ্রিকার সংগ্রাম বিদেশি বা কমিউনিস্টদের প্রভাবাধীন, তা সম্পূর্ণ ভুল।

5. I have done whatever I did, both as an individual and as a leader of my people, because of my experience in South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of what any outsider might have said.
আমি যা কিছু করেছি, তা একজন ব্যক্তি হিসেবে এবং আমার জনগণের নেতা হিসেবে করেছি, কারণ এটি আমার দক্ষিণ আফ্রিকার অভিজ্ঞতা এবং আমার গর্বিত আফ্রিকান পরিচয়ের ভিত্তিতে ছিল, বাইরের কোনো ব্যক্তি যা বলেছে তার কারণে নয়।

6. In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days.
আমার যুবক বয়সে ট্রান্সকেই অঞ্চলে আমি আমার গোত্রের বয়োজ্যেষ্ঠদের কাছে পুরনো দিনের গল্প শুনতাম।

7. Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland.
তাঁরা আমাকে যে গল্প বলেছিলেন তার মধ্যে ছিল আমাদের পূর্বপুরুষদের পিতৃভূমির রক্ষার জন্য করা যুদ্ধের কাহিনি।







8. The names of Dingane and Bambata, Hintsa and Makana, Squngthi and Dalasile, Moshoeshoe and Sekhukhuni, were praised as the glory of the entire African nation.
ডিনগানে ও বাম্বাটা, হিনৎসা ও মাকানা, স্কুঙ্গথি ও ডালাসিলে, মোশোশোয়ে ও সেখুখুনির নাম পুরো আফ্রিকান জাতির গৌরব হিসেবে প্রশংসিত হয়েছে।

9. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle.
আমি তখন আশা করেছিলাম যে জীবন আমাকে আমার জনগণের সেবা করার এবং তাদের স্বাধীনতা সংগ্রামে আমার বিনীত অবদান রাখার সুযোগ দেবে।

10. This is what has motivated me in all that I have done in relation to the charges made against me in this case.
এই কারণেই আমি আমার বিরুদ্ধে আনা অভিযোগগুলোর ক্ষেত্রে যা কিছু করেছি, তার জন্য অনুপ্রাণিত হয়েছি।

11. In the statement which I am about to make I shall correct certain false impressions which have been created by State witnesses.
আমি যে বিবৃতি দিতে চলেছি, তাতে আমি রাষ্ট্রের সাক্ষীদের দ্বারা সৃষ্টি কিছু ভুল ধারণা সংশোধন করব।

12. The African National Congress was formed in 1912 to defend the rights of the African people which had been seriously curtailed by the South Africa Act, and which were then being threatened by the Native Land Act.
আফ্রিকান ন্যাশনাল কংগ্রেস ১৯১২ সালে গঠিত হয়েছিল আফ্রিকান জনগণের অধিকার রক্ষা করার জন্য, যা দক্ষিণ আফ্রিকা আইনের মাধ্যমে মারাত্মকভাবে খর্ব করা হয়েছিল এবং পরে নেটিভ ল্যান্ড অ্যাক্ট দ্বারা হুমকির সম্মুখীন হয়।

13. For thirty-seven years - that is until 1949 - it adhered strictly to a constitutional struggle.
সাঁইত্রিশ বছর ধরে - অর্থাৎ ১৯৪৯ সাল পর্যন্ত - এটি কঠোরভাবে একটি সাংবিধানিক সংগ্রামের নীতি অনুসরণ করেছিল।

14. It put forward demands and resolutions; it sent delegations to the Government in the belief that African grievances could be settled through peaceful discussion and that Africans could advance gradually to full political rights.
এটি দাবি ও প্রস্তাব উত্থাপন করেছিল; এটি সরকারে প্রতিনিধিদল পাঠিয়েছিল এই বিশ্বাসে যে আফ্রিকানদের অভিযোগ শান্তিপূর্ণ আলোচনার মাধ্যমে সমাধান করা যেতে পারে এবং আফ্রিকানরা ধীরে ধীরে পূর্ণ রাজনৈতিক অধিকার অর্জন করতে পারবে।

15. Even after 1949, the ANC remained determined to avoid violence.
১৯৪৯ সালের পরেও, এএনসি (ANC) সহিংসতা পরিহার করতে দৃঢ়প্রতিজ্ঞ ছিল।

16. At this time, however, there was a change from the strictly constitutional means of protest which had been employed in the past.
তবে, এই সময়ে, অতীতে ব্যবহৃত কঠোর সাংবিধানিক প্রতিবাদের উপায় থেকে একটি পরিবর্তন এসেছিল।

17. The change was embodied in a decision which was taken to protest against apartheid legislation by peaceful, but unlawful, demonstrations against certain laws.
এই পরিবর্তনটি একটি সিদ্ধান্তের মাধ্যমে বাস্তবায়িত হয়েছিল, যা নির্দিষ্ট কিছু আইনের বিরুদ্ধে শান্তিপূর্ণ, কিন্তু অবৈধ বিক্ষোভের মাধ্যমে বর্ণবৈষম্যমূলক আইনের বিরুদ্ধে প্রতিবাদ করার জন্য নেওয়া হয়েছিল।

18. Pursuant to this policy the ANC launched the Defiance Campaign, in which I was placed in charge of volunteers.
এই নীতির অধীনে, এএনসি ডিফায়েন্স ক্যাম্পেইন চালু করেছিল, যেখানে আমি স্বেচ্ছাসেবকদের দায়িত্বে ছিলাম।

19. This campaign was based on the principles of passive resistance.
এই আন্দোলন ছিল অহিংস প্রতিরোধের নীতির ওপর ভিত্তি করে।

20. More than 8,500 people defied apartheid laws and went to jail.
৮,৫০০ এরও বেশি মানুষ বর্ণবৈষম্যমূলক আইন অমান্য করে কারাগারে গিয়েছিলেন।

  1. Yet there was not a single instance of violence in the course of this campaign on the part of any defier.
    এখনও পর্যন্ত এই আন্দোলনের সময়কালে কোনো প্রতিবাদকারীর পক্ষ থেকে সহিংসতার একটি ঘটনাও ঘটেনি।

  2. I and nineteen colleagues were convicted for the role which we played in organizing the campaign, but our sentences were suspended mainly because the Judge found that discipline and non-violence had been stressed throughout.
    আমি এবং আমার উনিশজন সহকর্মী আন্দোলন সংগঠনের ভূমিকার জন্য দোষী সাব্যস্ত হয়েছিলাম, তবে আমাদের শাস্তি স্থগিত করা হয়েছিল প্রধানত কারণ বিচারক দেখেছিলেন যে শৃঙ্খলা এবং অহিংসাকে পুরো সময় গুরুত্ব দেওয়া হয়েছিল।

  3. Government has always sought to label all its opponents as communists.
    সরকার সবসময় তার সকল বিরোধীদের কমিউনিস্ট হিসেবে চিহ্নিত করার চেষ্টা করেছে।

  4. This allegation has been repeated in the present case, but as I will show, the ANC is not, and never has been, a communist organization.
    এই অভিযোগ বর্তমান মামলায় পুনরাবৃত্তি করা হয়েছে, কিন্তু আমি দেখাব যে, এএনসি কমিউনিস্ট সংগঠন নয় এবং কখনোই ছিল না।

  5. In 1960 there was the shooting at Sharpeville, which resulted in the proclamation of a state of emergency and the declaration of the ANC as an unlawful organization.
    ১৯৬০ সালে শার্পভিলে গুলির ঘটনা ঘটে, যার ফলে জরুরি অবস্থা ঘোষণা করা হয় এবং এএনসিকে একটি অবৈধ সংগঠন হিসেবে ঘোষিত করা হয়।

  6. My colleagues and I, after careful consideration, decided that we would not obey this decree.
    আমার সহকর্মীরা এবং আমি সতর্ক বিবেচনার পর সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়েছিলাম যে আমরা এই আদেশ মান্য করব না।

  7. The African people were not part of the Government and did not make the laws by which they were governed.
    আফ্রিকান জনগণ সরকারের অংশ ছিল না এবং তারা সেই আইন প্রণয়ন করেনি, যার দ্বারা তারা শাসিত হচ্ছিল।

  8. We believed in the words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, that 'the will of the people shall be the basis of authority of the Government,' and for us to accept the banning was equivalent to accepting the silencing of the Africans for all time.
    আমরা জাতিসংঘের মানবাধিকার ঘোষণার কথায় বিশ্বাস করতাম, যেখানে বলা হয়েছে ‘জনগণের ইচ্ছাই হবে সরকারের কর্তৃত্বের ভিত্তি,’ এবং আমাদের জন্য নিষেধাজ্ঞা মেনে নেওয়া মানে আজীবনের জন্য আফ্রিকানদের স্তব্ধ করে দেওয়া।

  9. The ANC refused to dissolve, but instead went underground.
    এএনসি বিলুপ্ত হতে অস্বীকার করেছিল, বরং এটি গোপনে কাজ চালিয়ে যায়।

  10. Some of this may appear irrelevant to this trial.
    এর কিছু অংশ এই বিচারের জন্য অপ্রাসঙ্গিক মনে হতে পারে।

  11. In fact, I believe none of it is irrelevant because it will, I hope, enable the Court to appreciate the attitude eventually adopted by the various persons and bodies concerned in the National Liberation Movement.
    প্রকৃতপক্ষে, আমি বিশ্বাস করি এর কোনো অংশই অপ্রাসঙ্গিক নয়, কারণ আমি আশা করি এটি আদালতকে জাতীয় মুক্তি আন্দোলনে সংশ্লিষ্ট বিভিন্ন ব্যক্তি ও সংগঠনের গৃহীত দৃষ্টিভঙ্গি উপলব্ধি করতে সাহায্য করবে।

  12. When I went to jail in 1962, the dominant idea was that loss of life should be avoided.
    যখন আমি ১৯৬২ সালে কারাগারে গেলাম, তখন প্রধান ধারণা ছিল যে প্রাণহানি এড়ানো উচিত।

  13. I now know that this was still so in 1963.
    আমি এখন জানি যে ১৯৬৩ সালেও এটি একই রকম ছিল।

  14. I must return to June 1961.
    আমাকে জুন ১৯৬১-তে ফিরে যেতে হবে।

  15. What were we, the leaders of our people, to do?
    আমরা, আমাদের জনগণের নেতা হিসেবে, কী করতাম?

  16. Were we to give in to the show of force and the implied threat against future action, or were we to fight it and, if so, how?
    আমরা কি শক্তি প্রদর্শন এবং ভবিষ্যৎ কর্মসূচির বিরুদ্ধে পরোক্ষ হুমকির কাছে আত্মসমর্পণ করতাম, নাকি আমরা এর বিরুদ্ধে লড়াই করতাম এবং যদি লড়াই করতাম, তবে কীভাবে?

  17. We had no doubt that we had to continue the fight.
    আমাদের কোনো সন্দেহ ছিল না যে আমাদের লড়াই চালিয়ে যেতে হবে।

  18. Anything else would have been abject surrender.
    এর বাইরে কিছু করা মানে সম্পূর্ণ আত্মসমর্পণ করা হতো।

  19. Our problem was not whether to fight, but was how to continue the fight.
    আমাদের সমস্যা ছিল না যে লড়াই করব কি না, বরং সমস্যা ছিল কীভাবে লড়াই চালিয়ে যাব।

  20. We of the ANC had always stood for a non-racial democracy, and we shrank from any action which might drive the races further apart than they already were.
    আমরা এএনসি-র সদস্যরা সর্বদা বর্ণবাদবিহীন গণতন্ত্রের পক্ষে ছিলাম এবং আমরা এমন কোনো পদক্ষেপ নিতে চাইনি যা জাতিগুলোর মধ্যে আরও বিভেদ সৃষ্টি করতে পারে।

  21. But the hard facts were that fifty years of non-violence had brought the African people nothing but more and more repressive legislation, and fewer and fewer rights.
    কিন্তু কঠিন বাস্তবতা ছিল যে, পঞ্চাশ বছরের অহিংস আন্দোলন আফ্রিকান জনগণের জন্য কিছুই আনেনি, বরং আরও বেশি দমনমূলক আইন এবং ক্রমশ কমে আসা অধিকারই তাদের ভাগ্যে জুটেছে।


  1. It is true, as I have already stated, that I have been influenced by Marxist thought.
    এটি সত্য, যেমনটি আমি ইতিমধ্যেই উল্লেখ করেছি, যে আমি মার্ক্সবাদী চিন্তাধারার দ্বারা প্রভাবিত হয়েছি।

  2. But this is also true of many of the leaders of the new independent States.
    কিন্তু এটি নতুন স্বাধীন রাষ্ট্রগুলোর অনেক নেতার ক্ষেত্রেও সত্য।

  3. Such widely different persons as Gandhi, Nehru, Nkrumah, and Nasser all acknowledge this fact.
    গান্ধী, নেহেরু, এনক্রুমাহ এবং নাসেরের মতো বিভিন্ন দৃষ্টিভঙ্গির ব্যক্তিরাও এই সত্যটি স্বীকার করেছেন।

  4. We all accept the need for some form of socialism to enable our people to catch up with the advanced countries of this world and to overcome their legacy of extreme poverty.
    আমরা সবাই স্বীকার করি যে আমাদের জনগণকে বিশ্বের উন্নত দেশগুলোর সাথে তাল মিলিয়ে চলার সুযোগ দিতে এবং চরম দারিদ্র্যের উত্তরাধিকার অতিক্রম করতে সমাজতন্ত্রের কোনো না কোনো রূপের প্রয়োজন।

  5. But this does not mean we are Marxists.
    কিন্তু এর অর্থ এই নয় যে আমরা মার্ক্সবাদী।

  6. I have been influenced in my thinking by both West and East.
    আমি আমার চিন্তাধারায় পশ্চিম এবং পূর্ব উভয়ের দ্বারাই প্রভাবিত হয়েছি।

  7. All this has led me to feel that in my search for a political formula, I should be absolutely impartial and objective.
    এ সবই আমাকে এই অনুভূতি দিয়েছে যে, একটি রাজনৈতিক পদ্ধতির সন্ধানে আমার সম্পূর্ণ নিরপেক্ষ এবং বাস্তববাদী হওয়া উচিত।

  8. I should tie myself to no particular system of society other than of socialism.
    সমাজতন্ত্র ব্যতীত অন্য কোনো নির্দিষ্ট সামাজিক ব্যবস্থার সাথে আমার নিজেকে যুক্ত করা উচিত নয়।

  9. I must leave myself free to borrow the best from the West and from the East...
    আমার উচিত নিজেকে মুক্ত রাখা যাতে পশ্চিম এবং পূর্ব উভয় দিক থেকেই সর্বোত্তম গ্রহণ করতে পারি...

  10. Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships or, to use the language of the State Prosecutor, 'so-called hardships.'
    আমাদের সংগ্রাম বাস্তব কষ্টের বিরুদ্ধে, কল্পিত কষ্টের বিরুদ্ধে নয়, বা রাষ্ট্রের প্রসিকিউটরের ভাষায়, 'তথাকথিত কষ্টের' বিরুদ্ধে।

  11. Basically, we fight against two features which are the hallmarks of African life in South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation which we seek to have repealed.
    মূলত, আমরা দুটি বৈশিষ্ট্যের বিরুদ্ধে লড়াই করছি, যা দক্ষিণ আফ্রিকায় আফ্রিকান জীবনের মূল চিহ্ন এবং যা এমন আইন দ্বারা সংরক্ষিত যা আমরা বাতিল করতে চাই।

  12. These features are poverty and lack of human dignity, and we do not need communists or so-called 'agitators' to teach us about these things.
    এই বৈশিষ্ট্যগুলো হলো দারিদ্র্য এবং মানব মর্যাদার অভাব, এবং আমাদের এসব বিষয়ে শেখানোর জন্য কমিউনিস্ট বা তথাকথিত 'উদ্দীপনাকারীদের' প্রয়োজন নেই।

  13. The highest-paid and the most prosperous section of urban African life is in Johannesburg.
    শহুরে আফ্রিকান জীবনের সবচেয়ে বেশি বেতনের এবং সবচেয়ে সমৃদ্ধ অংশ জোহানেসবার্গে অবস্থিত।

  14. Yet their actual position is desperate.
    তবুও তাদের প্রকৃত অবস্থা অত্যন্ত শোচনীয়।

  15. Poverty goes hand in hand with malnutrition and disease.
    দারিদ্র্য অপুষ্টি এবং রোগের সাথে হাত ধরে চলে।

  16. The incidence of malnutrition and deficiency diseases is very high amongst Africans.
    আফ্রিকানদের মধ্যে অপুষ্টি এবং পুষ্টির ঘাটতির রোগের হার খুব বেশি।

  17. Tuberculosis, pellagra, kwashiorkor, gastro-enteritis, and scurvy bring death and destruction of health.
    যক্ষ্মা, পেলাগ্রা, কোয়াশিওরকর, গ্যাস্ট্রো-এন্টারাইটিস এবং স্কার্ভি মৃত্যু এবং স্বাস্থ্য ধ্বংস ডেকে আনে।

  18. The incidence of infant mortality is one of the highest in the world.
    শিশুমৃত্যুর হার বিশ্বে সর্বোচ্চগুলোর মধ্যে একটি।

  19. The complaint of Africans, however, is not only that they are poor and the whites are rich, but that the laws which are made by the whites are designed to preserve this situation.
    তবে আফ্রিকানদের অভিযোগ কেবল এই নয় যে তারা দরিদ্র এবং শ্বেতাঙ্গরা ধনী, বরং শ্বেতাঙ্গদের দ্বারা প্রণীত আইনগুলো এই পরিস্থিতি সংরক্ষণ করার জন্যই তৈরি করা হয়েছে।

  20. There are two ways to break out of poverty.
    দারিদ্র্য থেকে বেরিয়ে আসার দুটি উপায় আছে।

  21. The first is by formal education, and the second is by the worker acquiring a greater skill at his work and thus higher wages.
    প্রথমত আনুষ্ঠানিক শিক্ষা, এবং দ্বিতীয়ত শ্রমিক তার কাজে অধিক দক্ষতা অর্জন করে এবং এর ফলে উচ্চতর মজুরি পায়।

  22. As far as Africans are concerned, both these avenues of advancement are deliberately curtailed by legislation.
    আফ্রিকানদের ক্ষেত্রে, এই উন্নতির উভয় পথই সচেতনভাবে আইন দ্বারা সংকুচিত করা হয়েছে।

  23. The present Government has always sought to hamper Africans in their search for education.
    বর্তমান সরকার সবসময় আফ্রিকানদের শিক্ষার সন্ধানে বাধা দেওয়ার চেষ্টা করেছে।

  24. One of their early acts, after coming into power, was to stop subsidies for African school feeding.
    ক্ষমতায় আসার পর তাদের প্রথম কাজগুলোর মধ্যে একটি ছিল আফ্রিকান স্কুলের খাদ্য সহায়তা ভর্তুকি বন্ধ করা।

  25. Many African children who attended schools depended on this supplement to their diet.
    অনেক আফ্রিকান শিশু যারা স্কুলে যেত, তারা তাদের খাদ্যের পরিপূরক হিসেবে এই সহায়তার উপর নির্ভর করত।

  26. This was a cruel act.
    এটি ছিল একটি নির্মম কাজ।

  27. There is compulsory education for all white children at virtually no cost to their parents, be they rich or poor.
    সব শ্বেতাঙ্গ শিশুর জন্য প্রায় বিনামূল্যে বাধ্যতামূলক শিক্ষা রয়েছে, তারা ধনী হোক বা দরিদ্র।

  28. Similar facilities are not provided for the African children, though there are some who receive such assistance.
    আফ্রিকান শিশুদের জন্য একই ধরনের সুবিধা প্রদান করা হয় না, যদিও কিছু শিশু এই ধরনের সহায়তা পায়।

  29. African children, however, generally have to pay more for their schooling than whites.
    তবে, আফ্রিকান শিশুদের সাধারণত তাদের শিক্ষার জন্য শ্বেতাঙ্গদের তুলনায় বেশি অর্থ দিতে হয়।

  30. According to figures quoted by the South African Institute of Race Relations in its 1963 journal, approximately 40 per cent of African children in the age group between seven to fourteen do not attend school.
    দক্ষিণ আফ্রিকার রেস রিলেশনস ইনস্টিটিউটের ১৯৬৩ সালের জার্নালে উল্লিখিত পরিসংখ্যান অনুসারে, সাত থেকে চৌদ্দ বছর বয়সী আফ্রিকান শিশুদের প্রায় ৪০ শতাংশ স্কুলে যায় না।

72. For those who do attend school, the standards are vastly different from those afforded to white children.
যারা স্কুলে যায়, তাদের জন্য মানদণ্ড শ্বেতাঙ্গ শিশুদের জন্য নির্ধারিত মানদণ্ডের তুলনায় অত্যন্ত ভিন্ন।

73. The Government often answers its critics by saying that Africans in South Africa are economically better off than the inhabitants of the other countries in Africa.
সরকার প্রায়ই তার সমালোচকদের উত্তর দেয় এই বলে যে, দক্ষিণ আফ্রিকার আফ্রিকানরা আফ্রিকার অন্যান্য দেশের বাসিন্দাদের তুলনায় অর্থনৈতিকভাবে ভালো অবস্থানে রয়েছে।

74. I do not know whether this statement is true and doubt whether any comparison can be made without having regard to the cost-of-living index in such countries.
আমি জানি না এই বক্তব্য সত্য কিনা এবং সন্দেহ করি যে, এই ধরনের দেশগুলোর জীবনযাত্রার ব্যয়ের সূচক বিবেচনা না করে কোনো তুলনা করা সম্ভব কিনা।

75. But even if it is true, as far as the African people are concerned it is irrelevant.
কিন্তু এটি সত্য হলেও, আফ্রিকান জনগণের জন্য এটি অপ্রাসঙ্গিক।

76. Our complaint is not that we are poor by comparison with people in other countries, but that we are poor by comparison with the white people in our own country, and that we are prevented by legislation from altering this imbalance.
আমাদের অভিযোগ এই নয় যে, আমরা অন্যান্য দেশের মানুষের তুলনায় দরিদ্র, বরং আমাদের অভিযোগ হলো যে, আমাদের নিজেদের দেশে শ্বেতাঙ্গদের তুলনায় আমরা দরিদ্র এবং আইন দ্বারা আমাদের এই বৈষম্য পরিবর্তন করতে বাধা দেওয়া হয়েছে।

77. The lack of human dignity experienced by Africans is the direct result of the policy of white supremacy.
আফ্রিকানরা যে মানবিক মর্যাদার অভাব অনুভব করে, তা শ্বেতাঙ্গ আধিপত্যের নীতির সরাসরি ফলাফল।

78. White supremacy implies black inferiority.
শ্বেতাঙ্গ আধিপত্য কালোদের নিম্নস্তরের হিসেবে বোঝায়।

79. Legislation designed to preserve white supremacy entrenches this notion.
শ্বেতাঙ্গ আধিপত্য বজায় রাখার জন্য তৈরি আইন এই ধারণাকে দৃঢ়ভাবে প্রতিষ্ঠিত করে।

80. This then is what the ANC is fighting.
এই বিষয়টির বিরুদ্ধেই এএনসি লড়াই করছে।

81. Their struggle is a truly national one.
তাদের সংগ্রাম সত্যিকার অর্থেই একটি জাতীয় সংগ্রাম।

82. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience.
এটি আফ্রিকান জনগণের সংগ্রাম, যা তাদের নিজস্ব দুর্ভোগ ও অভিজ্ঞতা দ্বারা অনুপ্রাণিত।

83. It is a struggle for the right to live.
এটি বেঁচে থাকার অধিকারের জন্য একটি সংগ্রাম।

84. During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people.
আমার জীবদ্দশায় আমি আফ্রিকান জনগণের এই সংগ্রামের জন্য নিজেকে উৎসর্গ করেছি।

85. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination.
আমি শ্বেতাঙ্গ আধিপত্যের বিরুদ্ধে লড়াই করেছি, এবং আমি কৃষ্ণাঙ্গ আধিপত্যের বিরুদ্ধেও লড়াই করেছি।

86. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities.
আমি একটি গণতান্ত্রিক ও মুক্ত সমাজের আদর্শকে লালন করেছি, যেখানে সকল ব্যক্তি সৌহার্দ্যপূর্ণভাবে এবং সমান সুযোগ নিয়ে বসবাস করবে।

87. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve.
এটি এমন একটি আদর্শ, যার জন্য আমি বেঁচে থাকতে ও তা অর্জন করতে চাই।

88. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.
কিন্তু প্রয়োজনে, এটি এমন একটি আদর্শ যার জন্য আমি মরতেও প্রস্তুত।




J. Answer the following questions:

i. What is different in Mandela's speech from the previous two speeches?
ii. Do you think the mention of the African heroes from ancient tales is important? Why?
iii. Do you find Mandela patriotic and nationalistic in his speech? How?
iv. How does the speech cover the major rights which the Africans were being deprived of by the Whites?
v. How do you think Mandela is defending his involvement with communism?
vi. How did Mandela map the gradual change that occurred in the ANC policy?
vii. Select a few key words that can be used to describe Mandela's speech.
viii. If you are asked to pick a statement from the speech, which would you choose and why?
ix. Do you think education, economy and health are inter-related? How?
x. Are you familiar with the terms like 'democracy' and 'Marxism? Look up their definitions online.




Answer Question No. J

i. What is different in Mandela's speech from the previous two speeches?
Mandela's speech is deeply personal and historical, outlining his journey, beliefs, and the struggles of black South Africans. Unlike other speeches that might focus solely on legal defenses or political rhetoric, his speech blends legal argumentation with a moral and historical justification for his actions.

ii. Do you think the mention of the African heroes from ancient tales is important? Why?
Yes, mentioning African heroes like Dingane, Bambata, and Moshoeshoe is important because it connects the contemporary struggle against apartheid to a long tradition of African resistance. It instills a sense of continuity, pride, and legitimacy in the fight for freedom.

iii. Do you find Mandela patriotic and nationalistic in his speech? How?
Yes, Mandela's speech is both patriotic and nationalistic. He expresses deep love for his country and its people, advocating for a society where all South Africans, regardless of race, can live in equality and dignity. His willingness to die for the ideal of a democratic and free society demonstrates his profound commitment to his nation.

iv. How does the speech cover the major rights which the Africans were being deprived of by the Whites?
Mandela highlights several key rights denied to Africans, including:

  • Political Rights: Lack of voting rights and exclusion from government.
  • Economic Rights: Systematic poverty, lack of fair wages, and job restrictions.
  • Educational Rights: Inferior education and lack of access to quality schooling.
  • Human Dignity: Racist laws that treated black South Africans as inferior.

v. How do you think Mandela is defending his involvement with communism?
Mandela clarifies that although he has studied Marxist thought and acknowledges the need for some form of socialism, he is not a communist. He states that many global leaders have been influenced by socialism, but his primary goal is to create a just society that borrows the best ideas from both the West and the East.

vi. How did Mandela map the gradual change that occurred in the ANC policy?
Mandela outlines how the ANC initially pursued only constitutional, peaceful means of protest (1912-1949). After decades of government oppression, they adopted civil disobedience (Defiance Campaign). After the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the ANC was banned, forcing them underground, leading to a more militant approach to fight apartheid.

vii. Select a few key words that can be used to describe Mandela's speech.

  • Resistance
  • Justice
  • Equality
  • Freedom
  • Sacrifice
  • Patriotism
  • Human dignity

viii. If you are asked to pick a statement from the speech, which would you choose and why?
"I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die."
This statement is powerful because it encapsulates Mandela’s lifelong commitment to justice and equality, showing his willingness to sacrifice everything for his people’s freedom.

ix. Do you think education, economy, and health are interrelated? How?
Yes, they are closely interrelated. A lack of education limits job opportunities, leading to poverty. Poor economic conditions result in inadequate healthcare access, leading to high disease rates and mortality. Mandela highlights this cycle of oppression in his speech.

x. Are you familiar with the terms like 'democracy' and 'Marxism'? Look up their definitions online.

  • Democracy: A system of government in which power is vested in the people, typically through elected representatives.
  • Marxism: A socio-political and economic theory advocating for a classless society, where the means of production are collectively owned.



K. There are a few ellipses [...] and acronyms in the text. Learn the use of ellipsis and acronym with examples.

Answer Question No. K

Ellipsis ( … )

An ellipsis is a series of three dots ( … ) used in writing to indicate:

  1. Omission of words in a quote or text:

    • Original: "I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed."
    • With Ellipsis: "I have a dream that one day … this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed."
  2. Pause or unfinished thought in informal writing:

    • "I was going to say something, but … never mind."
  3. Trailing off in speech or dialogue:

    • "If only I had studied more …"

Acronyms

An acronym is a word formed from the initial letters of a phrase and is pronounced as a single word.

Examples:

  • ANC – African National Congress
  • USA – United States of America
  • NASA – National Aeronautics and Space Administration
  • UNESCO – United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
  • FBI – Federal Bureau of Investigation

Acronyms help shorten long phrases, making communication more efficient.


L. Group work: Make a list of people that Mandela mentions in his speech and use internet sources to prepare short presentations with texts, images and video clips on them. Present it in the class using audio visual support.

Answer Question No. L

Here is a list of historical figures that Nelson Mandela mentions in his speech:

African Leaders and Resistance Fighters:

  1. Dingane – Zulu king (1828–1840) who resisted British and Boer incursions into Zulu territory.
  2. Bambatha (Bambatha kaMancinza) – Leader of the 1906 Bambatha Rebellion against British colonial rule in Natal.
  3. Hintsa ka Khawuta – Xhosa king who resisted British colonization but was killed in 1835.
  4. Makana (Makhanda) – Xhosa prophet and resistance leader who led an attack against the British in 1819.
  5. Squngthi (possibly Sandile kaNgqika) – Xhosa chief involved in resistance against British colonial rule.
  6. Dalasile – Lesser-known African leader, likely a Xhosa chief involved in resistance struggles.
  7. Moshoeshoe I – Founder and king of Lesotho (Basotho people), known for diplomacy and resistance to colonial expansion.
  8. Sekhukhune I – Leader of the Pedi people in South Africa, fought against British and Boer forces in the late 19th century.

International Leaders Influencing Mandela's Ideology:

  1. Mahatma Gandhi – Leader of India's nonviolent independence movement, greatly influenced Mandela’s early activism.
  2. Jawaharlal Nehru – First Prime Minister of India and advocate for anti-colonial struggles worldwide.
  3. Kwame Nkrumah – First Prime Minister and President of Ghana, a key figure in African independence movements.
  4. Gamal Abdel Nasser – President of Egypt, supporter of anti-colonial movements and socialist policies.

Class Presentation Guide:

Each group can research one or more figures and prepare a short presentation including:
✅ Text Summary – Brief biography and their role in history.
✅ Images – Historical photographs, paintings, or artistic depictions.
✅ Videos – Documentaries or interviews about their contributions.

Would you like assistance in finding reliable online sources or presentation tips?
















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